On Thursday [March 20th] collaborators and friends of the now-deceased Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny came to Madrid to talk about the legacy, one year after his death. The speakers shared their memories of Navalny with emotion, detailing him as Putin’s main opposition enemy. Although remembered as an excellent opposition leader, all five of the speakers insisted he was more than just a political leader – he was a worldwide symbol of resistance against authoritarianism. He was also an activist, a blogger, and led anti-corruption investigations. He was able to mobilize people for his cause. His tragic death last year led to the rebirth of discussions about his legacy.
One of the speakers, who knew Navalny personally, remembered his legacy: “He could make you believe you were capable of doing things you never thought you could do. Another one added that “He was not only an excellent politician, he was also an amazing friend, someone who inspired you, and supported you at your lowest point”.
Navalny’s political career already started at college – but he entered the highest of levels in Russian politics in the 2000’s. He worked as a lawyer but his activism career took the higher priority, funding in 2011 the anti-corruption foundation (FBK). Its aim was to publish investigations exposing Russia’s elites. They quickly became popular in the Russian sphere, revealing abuse of power in the Kremlin, as the youth’s discontent with Vladimir Putin grew.
Navalny was quickly targeted by authorities – which did not stop him from continuing his political career despite the intimidations and death threats. In 2013, he was a candidate in the race for the mayor of Moscow, collecting an unexpected 27% of votes. This was a confirmation of Russian people looking for change. Four years later, he was in the presidential race, but manipulated votes declared Putin the winner. Soon enough, the Russian authorities labeled his foundation and himself as an “extremist and terrorist organization”.
One of his colleagues recalled Navalny’s humble character: “He never saw himself as a politician in the traditional sense. He disrupted the system, he was someone who provoked panic to the authorities because he said the truth”.
Simeon Pochkin, coordinator of Navalny’s office and from Chuvashia, offered a unique summary: “We opened the office in 2017 [when he ran for the presidential race]. We were forced to close in 2021, as the state labelled us as a ‘terrorist and extremist organization’.”
Pochkin added that he is considered a foreign agent and a terrorist in Russia, which is why he now resides in Spain – like many of Navalny’s associates. He called his time in Russia: “When I started working for Navalny, we were not considered a terrorist organization yet. Although he would not be broadcasted on national TV, he was still able to travel in the country freely.”
Most of the readers, with the author included, know Russia as a totalitarian state under the guidance of Putin. But Pochkin remembers this was not always the case: “Twenty years ago, Russians were free. The system was not criticized, there was free media. There were no cases of the regime assassinating the opposition.”
Despite the repression, Alexei Navalny’s support only grew over time. By the end of the 2010’s, it had become clear to the Kremlin that jail would not be enough – he had to be eliminated. More and more arrests followed, but none of them stopped Navalny. This led to a spy intoxicating Navalny with chemicals through poisoning in August 2020 – with the famous element Novichok. Fearing for his life, his family ensured he would get proper treatment away from Russia, in Berlin (Germany). Once he was well again, Navalny took the decision to immediately return to Russia in late 2021. He was immediately arrested and sent to a prison in Siberia, condemned for a long time.
He soon shared his experiences, leading to an Oscar-winning movie called “Navalny”, out for the public in 2022. It focused on how the Kremlin tried to silence him, but he would still write in correspondence from prison. It inspired hundreds to continue the fight he started, despite the dangers. One of his colleagues remembers his return: “When he returned to Russia, he knew he would be arrested. He told us: “If I am scared, what will other people do?”. Another of his colleagues recalled: “Even in prison, his words were powerful. He found a way to give hope to the people”.
Navalny’s conditions in jail were particularly harsh. He was socially isolated, and he was mistreated as he was long denied medical care. A lawyer from Saint Petersburg, who worked with him, reminded that “The Russian government tried to subjugate him, but they failed. Even in the worst conditions, he resisted.”
Boris Zelyotarevski, from Cheliábinsk – located in the cold Urals, noted that Navalny changed Russia’s politics across the country: “For me, the most important takeaway from Navalny’s actions was that he brought political life away from the capital, in the villages. This was never the case before. I joined politics thanks to him, and eventually organized a protest in his favour – I was shocked when I saw over 6,000 people joining. At the time, it was always said that Russia’s problems could only be resolved in Moscow, the said center of the universe. Everything changed with Navalny, as people understood through his legacy that this was not true.”
Alex Schoshe, who led Navalny’s political campaign, insisted: “The most important thing was that Navalny revitalized independent media. I remember in 2015, we went together to Kostroma, in Central Russia. We went to the villages, and talked with local residents. We told them that they had rights and could vote. This was the first time in modern Russian history that politics came to the villages”. Alex’s main takeaway from Navalny was that he was an innovator: “Because independent Russian media was shut down, you had to use technology. He created a YouTube channel, where he would explain his cause. It first felt weird. It however became Russia’s most prominent independent media. Now, there are YouTubers speaking out against the war, and their channels have more than 20 million subscribers”.
Navalny’s campaign centered around the village was an immense success. He united the country in voting against Putin’s party in municipal elections, therefore uniting all parties against the regime. Unlike many other politicians, Navalny connected with the average citizen. His investigations did not only talk about corruption – he told stories that resonated with the audience, making politics more accessible and giving it a personal dimension. His YouTube videos accumulated millions of views, which challenged the Kremlin-led propaganda.
One of his colleagues explained: “He made politics understandable for all. He would not only talk about politics, he would show how it affected everyone’s daily lives. “ Another associate emphasized Navalny’s fearlessness: “He was not scared of taking risks, which is why he was so dangerous for the Kremlin. He showed us that political change was possible”. He was able to connect with anyone. A colleague noted that “his story is not about Russia – it is about the fight for democracy everywhere”.
There was one common threat throughout all the witnesses: they highlighted the human side of Navalny. Zelyotarevski noted that “Navalny was a patriot of his country, if I had to sum him up. I was fortunate enough to work at his office. He loved the people and the country. He never tried to isolate himself, he never built a wall between him and the people. He never saw himself as a star. He always talked with the people, he tried to be on good terms with all, and loved Russia a lot”.
Anastasia, a lawyer from St Petersburg was also present: “For Navalny, it was never a question whether all of this was worth it. He first thing he did after opening his eyes after the intoxication was to ask when he could return to Russia.”
She added that “He was a modern person. He gave interviews in other languages [than Russian], and travelled a lot with his family. He had an eye surgery in Barcelona after being attacked there, almost leaving him blind. When he was asked about the consequences of returning, he replied there was no other country”.
As the speakers shared their personal experience, they emphasised his inspirational power. Among them, one said that he had “a remarkable sense of humour. Even at the lowest, he could make people laugh.” Another one added “What made him different was that he believed in the Russian people. He believed in a better future, despite the oppression.”
Boris, a close friend from Navalny, spent a month in prison. He remembered Navalny’s integrity, even in prison: “He was strict following fasting during lent, as an orthodox. He would remain vegan for the 40 days. The guards knew it and would cook chicken next to him. It did not stop him from resisting, thanks to his religious habits. He was very philosophical in that aspect, never thinking about his aggressors.” Boris also reminded that “his mother baptized him as a child, but this was done secretly as his father was communist. His family did not know for a long time”.
His death led to nationwide protests in Russia, which resulted in police violence against peaceful protestors. Many of them were arrested, but it did not stop people from organizing meetings in Navalny’s honour. People kept leaving flowers in his grave, demonstrating that his influence remained. One of the speakers protested with Navalny, and remembered: “They can arrest us. They can remove the flowers, but they cannot remove him from our hearts. He will always be with us”. Another one continued: “His death was a tragedy, but also a reminder of an unfinished battle, which we must continue. The Kremlin may have tried to silence him, but he instead became the symbol of resistance in many ways”.
Anton, a Siberian who was also an associate of Navalny, also talked about the current context: “Despite the harsh conditions, people keep fighting. There are many ways: some create projects, others distribute flyers. For people who live outside of their country, they talk freely about their experiences without fearing for their lives. The most important thing is to remember that the Kremlin is not Russia. It is only a temporary thing and not eternal, because people were free 15 years ago, and are trying to get it back. Because we all want freedom by nature”. He also added that the current situation in the USA reminded him of the 1990s in Russian under Boris Yeltsin, famous for being the lowest point in Russian modern history.
Navalny’s foundation continues to work after his death, despite the ban from the government: “People are sent to jail, but we created a site in the darknet through Tor, where they can register without any digital footprint on their phone. In a recent poll, 60% of the population said they supported a pacifist approach in Ukraine, and ending the war. There is an anti-war movement in Russia, and projects trying to counter the war. However, no independent media can report this”.
The foundation keeps working, even with exiled people who continue to fight against corruption by exposing the political elite. Many people left the country in 2022, showing disapproval for Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. One of his colleagues recalled that “Navalny’s dream of a free Russia did not end with his death. If anything, it strengthened our belief in it. As one of them put it: “People will remember people close to Navalny in the next century, not the people that surrounded Putin”.
