In November, protests erupted in Novi Sad, Serbia. Protesters took their anger to the streets after the just-renovated Novi Sad train station collapsed, leaving fifteen dead. If the said accident could look like a genuine coincidence, the lack of response from the government led the entire country to join Novi Sad. It quickly became a student-led protests demanding changes after more than ten years of Aleksandar Vučić’s regime. Elected in 2012, the country’s government has become increasingly more and more authoritarian, tracking down journalists who would uncover lingering corruption and public funds misuse.
This was noticed during the Rio Tinto protests in August 2024, when Serbs protested against a lithium mining deal proposed between Serbia’s government and Rio Tinto, a Spanish giant in the industry. It is March and the Novi Sad protests have spread to Belgrade and elsewhere, reuniting more than 1,000,000 Serbs on March 15th. It has become clear that the Rio Tinto and Novi Sad protests were catalysts – the location is fed up with the government’s inefficiency. Serbia went from a superpower in the Yugoslavia era to one of the poorest countries in the Balkans by now, as shown in the following graph:
When Vučić was elected in 2012, one of his main promises was to resolve the said ‘Kosovo’ issue. Not only was it not solved from a Serbian perspective – as Kosovo remains an independent nation recognized by most countries internationally – but the standstill with NATO means that all hope to win Kosovo back has been lost by most Serbs. It is important to recognize that Vučić formed part of Slobodan Milošević’s government, which was overthrown in 2000. A majority of Vučić’s talking points resumed to ethno-nationalist propaganda, with talks of ‘Greater Serbia’ – which includes Bosnia’s Republika Srpska and Montenegro – distracting from lingering corruption issues in Vučić’s government. This is where the European Union and the USA failed to recognize a growing, unstoppable authoritarian.
With this background, Serbia’s protests become more understandable – this was long overdue. It is also a partisan movement, with all types of citizens agreeing Vučić must go. Serbia has alienated itself from the European Union despite keeping the status of an official candidate state – but Vučić’s authoritarian tendencies have instead led him closer to Russia dictator Vladimir Putin. While there are many eurosceptics in Serbia, especially due to the trauma of NATO’s 2000 bombing in Serbia, most recognize that Vučić’s tenure since 2012 has led to the downfall of a previously rich nation.
Serbia’s protests inspired most of its neighbors to join the anti-corruption movements. Although none of them have reached Serbia’s scale, more and more countries are expressing their anger. A fire erupted in a club last Sunday in the North Macedonian town Kocani, sparking anger as the population also took the matter to the streets. Similarly to Serbia’s protests, North Macedonia did not focus on the incident itself – but the lingering corruption which led to deaths. It was later demonstrated that the lack of regulation and major inattention led to the fire breaking out. Even where North Macedonia’s neighbors often share tensions on a range of political issues – the notion of ‘brother states’ was felt following the Kocani tragedy. Bulgaria declared a national mourning day, setting up several blood donation centers in support of North Macedonians. In the case of Bulgaria, Plovdiv and Sofia witnessed long queues of local residents eager to give their blood. Serbia had several monuments honouring the victims. This can be considered a direct consequence of the Serbian protests – where in South Serbia, Bulgarians attended the anti-Vučić protests in Niš.
Bulgaria was the latest country to join the anti-corruption protests, marching on Wednesday in Sofia against DPS-New Beginning leader Delyan Peevski. The oligarch is accused of ‘purchasing votes’, especially from marginalized communities (such as the Romas). In recent months, his attempts to increase his political power through the National Assembly has led to growing discontent. Peevski was sanctioned by the US under the Magnitsky Act in 2017, due to his corrupt practices in Bulgaria. The U.S. accused Peevski of undermining democracy – mostly due to his tight control over the media he owns – and provoking unrest. Along with his cooperation, he has repeatedly been accused of bribing government officials, in an attempt to influence judicial decisions in his favor. His party was banned from the ALDE European Party in December. In many ways, Peevski follows the archetype of Russian oligarchs, with his vast financial empires allowing him to undemocratically slide into national politics. A proof of that is the recent partial overturn of the 2024 October elections by the National Courts, where his party lost the most votes in the process due to him bribing Bulgarians to vote for him. For that reason, Bulgaria has had enough and protested on March 19th against his presence in the Parliament, demanding he step down due to the corruption he has been installing for the past two decades in Bulgarian politics. Unhappy after the 2024 elections, Peevski was among the first to request another round of elections, staging protests in Sofia most believed to have been paid actors. Bulgaria has ranked among the worst countries when it came to corruption since its accession in the EU in 2007, which explains why Bulgarians are tired of Peevski, who has been a major player in that aspect. Another major reason has been GERB leader Boyko Borisov – who has been at the front of the country’s politics since the late 2000’s. His party was reigning over Bulgarian politics for three mandates, juggling between Euro-Atlanticism but still trying to appease Russia. The lack of efficiency and national progress on an economical scale led to a major anti-corruption protest in 2019. After his cabinet collapsed around the pandemic era, he remained involved as the GERB leader. Yesterday’s protest is a clear indication of Bulgarians rejecting Borisov but especially Peevski.
Although not strictly anti-corruption protests, Romanians voiced their pro-European feelings following the rise of pro-Russian Câlin Georgescu, accused of being funded by the Kremlin. The candidate went from unknown to achieving impressive results in Romania’s first presidential election round, until suspicions rose over his influence through TikTok. As Georgescu could not explain who funded his TikTok team, he was quickly ousted and banned from running again, with the police seizing several illegally-owned weapons in Georgescu’s home. Romania erupted in protests several times, expressing their Anti-Russian feeling and their wish to kick Georgescu out.
Tilting to the slight South-West, Greece has also been through mass protests in the last weeks. In the Hellenic case, most of the protests are linked to criticism of government efficiency, with train crashes sparking controversy. Every year, train crashes – in some cases, even colliding – lead to grave injuries without anyone being held accountable for it. This is not the first time it happens in the countries – but Greek PM Kyriakos Mitsotakis just survived a vote of confidence, which shows the widespread discontent. The forces used gas and water in an attempt to disperse protests, which only worsened the discontent of Greeks who feared a train crash could happen to their own children. Similarly to Serbia, this is an apolitical movement, where the fear over the lack of security and anger over the lack of responsibility is spread across all demographics.
Bosnia and Herzegovina’s difficult case of secessionist threats of Republika Srpska (RS) have also led to protests earlier this week, as Bosnian forces issued an arrest warrant to RS leader Milorad Dodik while summoning help from the European Forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Opposition leader Nebojša Vukanović organized the protest, linked to rising tension between him and authoritarian leader Dodik. Vukanović’s car was burned down by unnamed men, whom he accused of being Dodik acolytes. This led to protests in the city of Trebinje, with hundreds attending as they expressed their discontent for Dodik’s leadership.
Croatia might not have had protests of a similar scale – but growing citizen discontent has been made clear by the population. Following Eurozone accession in 2023, prices skyrocketed in the country, while wages have not. Croatians started a boycott movement a month ago, leading to empty aisles in supermarkets in the last years. This movement reached Serbia – where Serbs started boycotting Aldi’s high prices weeks later. Just yesterday, Bulgarians announced a similar boycott, targeted at restaurants across the country’s most populated cities. Organisers of the protests claim that the prices are manipulated by restaurant owners – saying they have reached “London and Paris” levels. This is of course an exaggeration – but the main message is indeed true, especially in Sofia and Varna. Similarly to Croatia’s case – the rise of prices does not match the wages.
Civil unrest is not uncommon in the region – between Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina’s constant independence struggles – and government dissatisfaction, the Balkans have rarely felt peace. However, this might be the first time it feels like a coordinated effort, showing the Balkan population understands the power of unity. Times are changing – the Balkans are known for being critical people, who would not stand further oppression. In all the countries people are proud – but they are not proud of the governments representing them (or the lack of government, in Bulgaria’s case). There is no doubt that a few governments will fall in the next weeks or months – with Serbia’s PM resignation being accepted by the Serbian Parliament yesterday.
Never have the Balkans experienced so many protests, most of which can be branched in direct criticism of corruption and a lack of government efficiency. Only united can they succeed – and change the dynamic. With the West often failing to stand up to authoritarian leaning leaders, the time has come for Balkans to change it by themselves, a block known for not really supporting either side between the West and Russia. There has never been a better time Balkan emancipation, a needed movement in light of the struggles in the last years. How each country will swing once the unrest will be over – will determine the dynamics for the next decades.
