The Mexican political system is one that may not be as well-known internationally as the North American or European ones, but it certainly has a lot to talk about. Its history is one of great struggles for democracy. Currently, the nationalist leftist government led by President Claudia Sheinbaum and her party, MORENA, is seeking to implement changes in the electoral system that could represent a setback in the democratic evolution of the country. To understand the seriousness of this situation, it is essential to analyse the context in which Mexican democracy has developed.
For 71 uninterrupted years (1929-2000), Mexico was governed by the PRI. This hegemonic period was described by the Peruvian writer Mario Vargas Llosa as “the perfect dictatorship” due to the lack of transparency in the electoral processes. It was over many years, with sacrifices and bloodshed, that citizens achieved reforms that opened space for voices opposed to the government. The most notable were:
● 1963: Proportional representation introduced, allowing opposition parties to participate.
● 1977: Expansion of proportional representation from 20 to 100 seats at the Chamber of Deputies and the legalisation of more parties.
● 1986: Expansion of the Chamber of Deputies to 500 members (200 of proportional representation) and the introduction of first-party minority senators.
● 1993: Expansion of the Senate from 96 to 128 members and proportional representation in that chamber.
● 2007: Establishment of a 3% minimum vote for parties to retain their registration.
● 2014: Legalisation of consecutive re-election for mayors, deputies and senators, as well as the legalisation of independent candidates.
With the rise of MORENA to power in 2018, the party system underwent a radical change. Then-President Andrés Manuel López Obrador proposed an electoral reform that sought to eliminate the National Electoral Institute (INE), the independent body in charge of national elections, as well as reduce proportional representation in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. Fortunately, this reform did not materialize due to the lack of a majority in Congress. However, his successor, Claudia Sheinbaum, also has her sights set on changes that could be detrimental to Mexican democracy, such as eliminating reelection starting in 2030.
It is important to note that the terms of mayors, local and federal deputies are only three years. Re-election allows for continuity and progress in administrations, something that could be compromised if this possibility were eliminated. Furthermore, the prohibition of re-election would not prevent those who have already held public office from waiting three or six years to return, since their comeback would not be considered a re-election. Undoubtedly, this measure would not solve the problem of the lack of political renewal, but would perpetuate the system of politicians returning to the same positions after time intervals as in the past.
A true electoral reform that seeks to guarantee a healthy democracy is far from materializing in Mexico, due to the interests of political actors who oppose significant changes. For example, if the minimum voting threshold for parties to maintain their registration were to be raised to 5%, this would especially affect MORENA’s allies, such as the PT and the Green Party, who have historically sold their support to the highest bidder.
Reducing proportional representation in Congress would represent a step backwards in the electoral rights won by Mexican society. The current administration seems to be resuming a nationalist discourse that recalls the 1970s, when presidential power was almost absolute and reforms such as those that are fundamental to the electoral system today were avoided.
If the Mexican government were truly interested in promoting democracy, it would advocate raising the minimum voting percentage to preserve party registration and would adopt models from other nations. For example, it could implement a runoff election for governor and president, or re-establish the office of vice president, overcoming the historical trauma of the 19th century. It could also consider national primaries, as in Argentina, or guarantee that the runner-up in the presidential election automatically obtains a seat in the Senate, as in Colombia. In addition, promoting voting from age 16 on an optional basis and from age 18 on an obligatory basis, as in Brazil, could have a positive impact on Mexican democracy. However, with the current political landscape, these proposals seem like a distant dream.
The Mexican political system is heading towards a second hegemony, emanating this time from MORENA, and as long as there is no coherence in power, Mexico will be at the mercy of the arbitrary decisions of its leaders. The lack of a true democratic debate and the absence of proposals that strengthen citizen participation are worrying. Democracy is not only about electing our representatives, but also about ensuring that those representatives act for the benefit of society and not for particular interests.
